The young John Adams

The American Revolution

Declaration of Independence

Diplomacy and treaties

Vice President John Adams

President John Adams

The making of the man:

He was a living embodiment of New England virtues and idiosyncrasies, a brilliant attorney, and a determined patriot. Stubbornly independent of spirit, his demanding conscience was truly his guide.

  We can thus know John Adams - and his wife, Abigail - better personally than any of the other founding fathers. Adams - from the key colony of Massachusetts - was a participant in all the events leading to the founding of the new nation from the end of the Seven Years War - known as the French and Indian War in America - to the end of the 18th century. McCullough is thus able to use his life of John Adams to provide an illuminating window onto the broader scene.
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  Adams was of medium height, of a rounded but sturdy stature, and an uncompromisingly straight-arrow character. He was a brilliant attorney, and a determined patriot. With rigid integrity and a stubborn independence of spirit, he was a living embodiment of New England virtues and idiosyncrasies,
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Harvard - then comprised of seven faculty members and about 100 students - introduced young Adams to the world of great books, and he became a voracious reader.

He early recognized that the United States was destined to be a mighty empire - if only the colonies could remain united. He was thus from the beginning of the new nation inclined to support a union with a strong national government.

As with Washington, his ambition would be channeled toward the service of his country and the establishment and maintenance of a nation that could be free, stable and strong.

  Despite formidable talents and intellectual preparation, Adams, like many of the founding fathers, remained uncertain of his adequacy to meet the needs of the moment. However, he was always determined to play his role in the drama of his times - a determination staunchly supported by Abigail despite the difficulties heaped upon her by his long absences and the meager pay he received for his decades of effort. He once explained:

  "I must study politics and war that my sons may have liberty to study mathematics and philosophy. My sons ought to study mathematics and philosophy, geography, natural history, naval architecture, navigation, commerce, and agriculture in order to give their children a right to study paintings, poetry, music, architecture, statuary, tapestry, and porcelain."

  Adams came from Puritan stock. The family was resident in Braintree, Massachusetts, just outside Boston, since 1638. Through several generations, they worked hard on the land and engaged in cash trades and religious civic activities, and raised large families. Hard work, frugality, religion and family sustained them.
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  Harvard - then comprised of seven faculty members and about 100 students - introduced young Adams to the world of great books, and he became a voracious reader. Graduating third in his class during the Seven Years War, his letters began to contain evidence of his rapidly maturing political awareness.
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  Adams was well aware of the historic significance of what he was involved in. Like Benjamin Franklin and George Washington, he early recognized that the United States was destined to be a mighty empire - if only the colonies could remain united. He was thus from the beginning of the new nation inclined to support a union with a strong national government.
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  Yet during the Seven Years War he could rejoice in being an Englishman and could admire the English officers who passed through Boston to distant battlefields. This, too, was similar to the experience of many of the founding fathers. Interestingly, like George Washington, he was early convinced that "reputation" - the winning of "distinction" - was the primary object of his ambitions. As with Washington (and so many of the nation's subsequent leaders), his ambition would be channeled toward the service of his country and the establishment and maintenance of a nation that could be free, stable and strong.
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  During the Seven Years War, Adams studied law with a young attorney in Worcester, Massachusetts. With the death of his father in 1761, Adams inherited 40 acres and a house. Three years later, he married Abigail Smith.
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These ideas had been distilled from many sources - ranging from ancient texts to modern political philosophy.

  Just before and after the enactment of the Stamp Act taxes in 1765, Adams began writing anonymous essays on liberty and independence, and on the political rights of Englishmen. These rights had been earned for the colonials by their forefathers who had braved a wilderness to establish the colonies. Upon publication, these essays had an immediate impact and were adopted widely among Massachusetts towns as instructions to their delegates to the General Court - the legislative body of the colony.
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  There must be no taxation without representation, and there must be trial by jury and an independent judiciary, he wrote. This was a rejection of the Stamp Act taxes and the jurisdiction of the British Court of Admiralty that had been assigned enforcement jurisdiction.
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  These ideas had been distilled from many sources - ranging from ancient texts to modern political philosophy. Adams put them together and delivered them to good effect. By 1765. he recognized that a widespread sense of political entitlement had arisen throughout the colonies.
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Adams - true to the highest traditions of the bar - defended the British soldiers who were involved in the so-called "Boston Massacre."

  By 1768, there were British troops in Boston, sent to enforce the new taxes on paper, tea, paint and glass. Tensions were on the rise.
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  Then, Adams - true to the highest traditions of the bar - defended the British soldiers who were involved in the so-called "Boston Massacre." The officer and six of the eight soldiers were acquitted. Two soldiers were convicted of manslaughter and suffered being branded on their thumbs. Adams had risked everything he cared most about to provide effective counsel for the accused.
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  There was public anger and criticism of Adams in the press as an immediate result of the verdicts. However, there were no riots or attacks, and Adams' reputation soon rose to new heights because of his principled  stand. Adams considered his role as counsel in these cases "one of the best pieces of service I ever rendered my country." That same year, Adams was elected to the Massachusetts legislature - (a testimonial to the inherent sense of fairness and the good sense of the American people even during those tense times).
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  In the following years, Adams continued his successful law practice, but returned to Braintree. He filled the pages of his personal journal with many things, including thoughts on political freedom, human liberty, government and the political ambitions that drive men. McCullough quotes some pertinent passages. Adams had moved his growing family back to Boston by the time of what was to become known as the Boston Tea Party.  "His hatred of mob action notwithstanding, Adams was exuberant over the event," McCullough tells us.
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London must not be permitted to impose the kind of subjugation on America that it had imposed on Ireland.

  When Britain closed the port of Boston in reprisal in 1774, all business - including the law business - came nearly to an end. Adams was chosen by the legislature as one of the five delegates sent by the colony to the First Continental Congress that was called in response to the British action. Adams sent his family back to the comparative safety of Braintree and soon departed for Philadelphia.
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  With a full understanding of the implications and risks of his actions, Adams sided with the forces of independence. London must not be permitted to impose the kind of subjugation on America that it had imposed on Ireland, he wrote in an essay for the Boston Gazette. That the whole matter might result in a split with Great Britain and the "carnage and destruction" of war weighed heavily on Adams' mind.
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The Continental Congress:

The colonies had no means of producing arms or gunpowder.

  Philadelphia at that time had a population of almost 30,000. It was the largest, fastest growing city in the colonies. It was the busiest port, although more than 100 miles up the tidal Delaware River from the open sea. It was almost twice the size of Boston, yet there were only eight blocks from the waterfront to the open countryside.
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  The people, led by Benjamin Franklin and the Quakers, were public spirited and intellectually progressive. They had built a widely admired city on a spacious street grid. The city exported wheat and lumber. It produced the full array of everyday goods, and was the publishing capital of the colonies. In addition to seven newspapers, it was producing pamphlets such as John Dickinson's "Letters from a Pennsylvania Farmer," Thomas Jefferson's "Summaries of the Rights of British America," and in 1776, the vastly popular "Common Sense" by Tom Paine. A wide range of goods imported from Europe supplemented the local goods available in the shops.
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  However, the colonies had no means of producing arms or gunpowder. These had to be smuggled in from Europe by way of the Caribbean.
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  McCullough provides a picture of everyday life in Philadelphia for its citizens and for the members of the Continental Congress who traveled from afar to meet there. Adams' journal and letters provide a picture of Philadelphia at peace in 1774 during the First Continental Congress and at the outset of war during the Second Continental Congress in 1775.
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  Prior to the Second Continental Congress, Adams had drawn up a list of things he wanted to get done. The list included an alliance with France and Spain - every colony to assume its own governance - every colony to begin producing its own gunpowder - and adoption of a "Declaration of Independency." From the beginning of the Second Congress, he was one of the staunchest supporters of George Washington as commander in chief.
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  Adams reflected on the talents of the various delegates and the drudgery of transacting business in a Congress where every man "is a great man - an orator, a critic, a statesman, and therefore every man upon every question must show his oratory, his criticism, and his political abilities." The debates were "wasting and exhausting." However, Adams was determined to stay the course and get done what had to be done.
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  With British informants everywhere, and a need to convey an image of unanimity in all major decisions, sessions were held in secret. Committee meetings in the morning were followed by sessions of the full Congress in the afternoon, which were followed by political activities into the evenings.

  "[That Adams] was repeatedly chosen for the most important committees was a measure of his influence and of the respect others had for his integrity, his intellect, and the exceptional capacity for hard work. He was the leading committeeman of the Massachusetts delegation, perhaps indeed of the whole Congress."

There was strong opposition to any break with Great Britain. The opposition was as strong as those in favor of independence - with an equal number sitting on the fence.

  Adams became determined to push for full independence by the time of the Second Congress. Independence was the only guarantee of American liberties. However, timing was everything. If it was proposed too soon, it would be voted down. There was strong opposition to any break with Great Britain. The opposition was as strong as those in favor of independence - with an equal number sitting on the fence.
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  Yet, without independence as the goal, the war lacked coherence. No foreign nation would send them assistance or even trade with the rebellious colonies if the colonies themselves did not declare their existence as an independent nation.
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Franklin knew that the King and Foreign Ministry would never deign to accept the existence of rights for the colonials.

Civility, self restraint and even patience helped keep the Congress functioning.

  The war itself was going badly. An expedition to Canada under Benedict Arnold - one of Washington's most talented generals - had failed. The British fleet had bombarded the small port town of Norfolk and had prohibited all trade with the rebellious colonies. Smallpox and other illnesses afflicted Philadelphia and the delegates. Parliament had declared that anyone who "did not make an unconditional submission" of loyalty would be considered traitors - the punishment for which was hanging. The British were sending a large fleet with significant reinforcements to the colonies.
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  Benjamin Franklin did not join the debates, but argued influentially in private that independence was essential. As an agent for Pennsylvania and other colonies in London for many years, he knew that the King and Foreign Ministry would never deign to accept the existence of rights for the colonials.
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  Adams, on the other hand, was naturally combative, and believed in expressing himself plainly. He dove into the debates. He wrote scathing opinions of his opponents in his private letters and journal, but nevertheless remained pointedly courteous to them all. Civility, self restraint and even patience helped keep the Congress functioning.
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Paine painted an unrealistic picture of an easy American victory due to moral superiority. Adams accurately labeled that as rubbish and warned of a long, hard war.

  It was not John Adams and the other Congressional supporters who won the day for independence. The opponents favored every effort at reconciliation - though these efforts were repeatedly haughtily rejected in London. Led by John Dickinson, the opponents were strong in Pennsylvania and Philadelphia. McCullough portrays as socially ostracized an Adams "'borne down' by the weight of unpopularity" at this time.
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  Then, the pamphlet "Common Sense" hit the streets in January, 1776. It attacked the very concept of hereditary monarchy as absurd and evil. It blamed King George III for every imaginable problem in the colonies, and unabashedly called for independence. Thomas Paine, a recent immigrant from England, aroused popular support for independence.
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  Adams judgment of Paine was brief and accurate - "a better hand at pulling down than building." (This is a fit epitaph for the great majority of revolutionaries throughout history.) Paine painted an unrealistic picture of an easy American victory due to moral superiority. Adams accurately labeled that as rubbish and warned of a long, hard war. Adams also wrote of his expectations - ultimately correct - that the war would expand to include the other great powers of Europe.
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  Congress began to take some action - by narrow margins against strong opposition. Adams was constantly embroiled in the debates. There was an embargo of exports to Britain and missions sent to France and Canada to sound out prospects for assistance. McCullough refers to accounts by other delegates to provide a picture of Adams' debating style.

  "He would stand at his place, back straight, walking stick in hand, at times letting the stick slip between thumb and forefinger to make a quick tap on the floor, as if to punctuate a point. The 'clear and sonorous' voice would fill the room. No one ever had trouble hearing what Adams had to say, nor was there ever the least ambiguity about what he meant."

  In March, 1776, Congress voted to disarm all Tories and to outfit privateers. The previous year, a small navy of 13 ships had been authorized, and Adams - appointed to the naval committee - had "drafted the first set of rules and regulations for the new navy, a point of pride" for the rest of his life. By the end of March, news that the British had been forced to abandon Boston arrived to great joy. In April, "Congress opened American ports to the trade of all nations except Britain."
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The system would be a representative republic - not a popular democracy.

  The appropriate structure of government for the new nation was set forth by Paine in a manner that Adams viewed as "feeble." Paine proposed a simple democracy with a unicameral legislature lacking in either checks or balances. This, Adams pointed out, was a prescription for majoritarian tyranny. In response, Adams decided to set forth his own views on the topic. He was well aware of the unique opportunity of the moment. In his "Thoughts on Government," he wrote:

  "[This was] a moment when a coincidence of circumstances without example has afforded to thirteen colonies at once an opportunity of beginning government anew from the foundation and building as they choose."

  His concepts were distilled from the political philosophy available at the time. The system would be a representative republic - not a popular democracy. It would have the checks and balances of a two chamber legislature - one representative of the people and the other smaller one chosen by the members of the larger. It would have an independent judiciary appointed for life - and an executive with veto power and power of appointment of all judges and militia officers, and who would be commander in chief of the armed forces.
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It would be guided by practical arrangements needed for dealing with the recognized problems of popular government, and a healthy skepticism concerning popular excesses.

  The system was devised to slow down the processes of government - to remove them from the immediate influence of the people - to substantially remove them from the influence of the mobs that might form under the passions of the moment - and to protect the individual as much as possible from any majoritarian tyranny.
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  It would be an experiment in self government, but it would not be blind utopianism. It would be guided by practical arrangements needed for dealing with the recognized problems of popular government, and a healthy skepticism concerning popular excesses.

  "I fear that in every assembly, members will obtain influence by noise not sense. By meanness, not greatness. By ignorance, not learning. By contracted hearts, not large souls."

  Adams viewed his pamphlet as just a hurried and crude first effort, yet it had immediate and widespread impact.
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The Declaration of Independence:

  On May 10, Adams and Richard Henry Lee submitted a resolution "recommending that the individual colonies assume all powers of government." Surprisingly, it passed unanimously. Conciliation efforts had lost their allure. Adams then prepared a preamble for the resolution. It practically rejected the possibility of reconciliation under present circumstances. After a stiff debate, it, too, was approved.
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  The immediate impact of the resolution on the people of Pennsylvania was "a dramatic turn in support of independence." "I have reasons to believe that no colony which shall assume a government under the people, will give it up," Adams wrote to Abigail.
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Richard Henry Lee proposed a Resolution: "That these United Colonies are, and of a right ought to be, free and independent states."

  Thomas Jefferson, aged 33, returned on May 14 to rejoin the Virginia delegation. McCullough provides a vivid description of the many-sided and ingenious Jefferson, and contrasts him with the more pragmatic, experienced and down-to-earth Adams. However, at this time, they both had one thing in common.

  "[Jefferson's] commitment now in the spring of 1776 was no less than Adams's own. And it was because of their common zeal for independence, their wholehearted, mutual devotion to the common cause of America, and the certainty that they were taking part in one of history's turning points, that the two were able to concentrate on the common purpose in a spirit of respect and cooperation, putting aside obvious differences, as well as others not so obvious and more serious than they could have then known.
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  "Adams considered Jefferson his protégé at Philadelphia; Jefferson impressed by Adams's clarity and vigor in argument, his 'sound head,' looked upon him as a mentor. They served on committees together, and as the pace quickened in the weeks after Jefferson's arrival, they were together much of the time. As would be said, each felt the value of the other in the common task."

  Virginia joined the parade of colonies favoring independence, and on June 7, Richard Henry Lee proposed a Resolution: "That these United Colonies are, and of a right ought to be, free and independent states." It was seconded by Adams and intensely debated. By now, the only opposition was to the effect that it might be premature, and that the people of some states would not support it. Adams, Lee, and George Wythe countered that the people were already way ahead of the Congress. A vote was put off until July 1, but a committee of five men was established to write the declaration. Franklin, Jefferson, Adams, Roger Sherwin and Robert Livingston were on the committee.
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Adams' support of Jefferson to draft the declaration would prove to be a great service to the American cause.

Jefferson was drawing on a political philosophy of liberty and of government as the servant of the people that ran back through recent English and Scottish writers, to the Roman Cicero.

  It was natural for Jefferson to be chosen to prepare the first draft. Adams was already tied up in more than two dozen committees and was perhaps the most influential and active man in the Congress. There was also Adams' appreciation for Jefferson's literary talent - his "peculiar felicity of expression." As with his support of another Virginian, George Washington, to command the Continental Army, Adams' support of Jefferson to draft the declaration would prove to be a great service to the American cause.
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  As McCullough points out, Jefferson was drawing on a political philosophy of liberty and of government as the servant of the people that ran back through recent English and Scottish writers, to the Roman Cicero. Jefferson and Adams and other colonial writers had already been putting the pieces together. "What made Jefferson's work surpassing was the grace and eloquence of expression." As Jefferson explained:

  "Neither aiming at originality of principle or sentiment, nor yet copied from any particular and previous writing, it was intended to be an expression of the American mind, and to give to that expression the proper tone and spirit called for by the occasion."

All recognized the solemnity of the moment - for the nation and perhaps for the world.

  It was a magnificent success. The committee made some notable improvements, and it was expected that changes would be made by the full Congress.
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  McCullough sets the scene:

  "The pressures of responsibility grew greater for Adams almost by the hour. As head of the new Board of War, meeting every morning and evening, he was acutely aware of Washington's distress at New York. Dispatch riders from the general's headquarters brought repeated warnings that arms, lead, flints, medicines, and entrenching tools were all urgently needed. At Boston, the troops were 'almost mutinous in want of pay.' In Canada, where the remnants of an American army were still holding out, the situation was gravely compounded by the ravages of smallpox."

  New Jersey opted for independence and ordered the arrest of its royal governor, who happened to be Benjamin Franklin's son William. In Maryland, Samuel Chase "was rounding up support for independence." Then, on June 23, Pennsylvania opted for independence. All recognized the solemnity of the moment - for the nation and perhaps for the world.
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  On July 1, the debate began, with Dickinson - now acknowledging that it was he who had become unpopular for his views - speaking earnestly in favor of yet another effort at conciliation. Adams, giving "the greatest speech of his life," spoke in favor of independence. Then, others joined in the debate, which lasted for nine hours. At the end, it was clear that only nine colonies would vote for independence. The vote was put off for another day. The all-important Pennsylvania delegation was still split 4-3 in opposition.
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  On July 2, two more delegations joined those voting for independence. When Dickinson and Robert Morris chose not to appear, the Pennsylvania delegation shifted to 3-2 in favor. New York abstained, but at least it could be said that there were no longer any colonies in opposition.
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  "On July 2, 1776, in Philadelphia, the American colonies declared independence." At that same time, a British fleet of about 400 sail was arriving off New York City.
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  "It was John Adams, more than anyone, who had made it happen," McCullough points out. "Further, he seems to have understood more clearly than any what a momentous day it was."
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Also removed was Jefferson's denunciation of the slave trade.

One third of the delegates at the Congress owned slaves.

Neither Adams "nor any other delegate in Congress would have let the issue jeopardize" the declaration.

  On July 3, the document itself was debated and edited. In many ways, it was improved. Much was removed from the draft, and some harsh words against the King were softened. However, also removed was Jefferson's denunciation of the slave trade.
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  The slave trade was beginning to be questioned and opposed by Puritans from Massachusetts and Quakers from Pennsylvania. Now, Jefferson had joined men of social standing like James Otis and Benjamin Rush in publicly opposing the slave trade. However, one third of the delegates at the Congress owned slaves. Others, including Jefferson, had traded slaves. Twenty percent of the population was slaves. The issue was clearly too hot to confront.
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  Adams had never owned slaves, and had never hired work gangs that included slaves to work on his farm. He firmly opposed slavery. Abigail, too, frequently expressed her opposition to slavery in her letters - even though her father owned a few slaves. But neither Adams "nor any other delegate in Congress would have let the issue jeopardize a declaration of independence, however strong their feelings."
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"That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed."

  Adams was the fiercest supporter of the document, Jefferson would later acknowledge. Ultimately, god was introduced into the document at its end with the phrase, "with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence" added to the delegates' "pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor."
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  However, the key segment was all Jefferson:

  "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed."

  A final vote on the draft as amended went smoothly on July 4. (Thus, July 4 is correctly celebrated as Independence Day.)
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  However, thousands of British troops were disembarking on Staten Island, "where hundreds of Tories were on hand to welcome them."

  "By mid August, 32,000 fully equipped, highly trained, thoroughly professional British and German-Hessian soldiers -- more than the entire population of Philadelphia -- were ashore on Staten Island, supported by ten ships-of-the-line and twenty eight frigates, making in all the largest, most costly British overseas deployment ever until then."

Like Washington, they were all acutely aware of their inexperience and the massive problems they faced.

"There were the ever-vexing complications of dealing in various colonial currencies of differing value, and the increasing worry over inflation and the fate of the new Continental money, the unbacked paper currency being produced in Philadelphia."

  The War Office, with Adams, Benjamin Harrison, Edward Rutledge, Roger Sherman and James Wilson, in essence had to run the war for Congress. Like Washington, they were all acutely aware of their inexperience and the massive problems they faced.

  "They were responsible for ordinance and fortifications, for appointing and promoting officers, for recruitment of enlisted men and raising rifle companies, for pay, provisions, and for somehow resolving the constant demand for flints, saltpeter and gunpowder, horses, wagons, tents, shoes, soap, and blankets. They dispatched ship carpenters where needed, appointed chaplains, and faced the incessant day-to-day frustrations of bickering, jealousies, and corruption. It was arduous, thankless work. He must be 'very exactly and minutely acquainted with the state of every regiment,' Adams was lectured by General Horatio Gates. And as all decisions required the approval of Congress, it was for the Board to prepare the reports on which to vote. It would be resolved that five tons of powder be sent to Williamsburg; or that British prisoners be moved from New Jersey to Pennsylvania; or that new positions of drum major and fife major be created; or that special commissioners be appointed to audit the accounts of the army of New York.
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  "There were the ever-vexing complications of dealing in various colonial currencies of differing value, and the increasing worry over inflation and the fate of the new Continental money, the unbacked paper currency being produced in Philadelphia in steadily greater quantity."

  McCullough goes on at considerable length about the arduous tasks faced by Adams in the War Office and in other Congressional committees. All the time, Adams would be worried about his wife and family and their struggles to make it through the conflict without him. In voluminous correspondence, he poured out his innermost thoughts, hopes and fears to Abigail, and she in turn kept him aware of their struggles. In July, his whole family went to Boston for the hazardous but essential inoculation procedure against smallpox.
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  The "Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union" were proposed at the same time. Adams, as usual, was in the thick of the debates.
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  Unfortunately, the states and delegates were anything but united on a variety of issues. Should voting in Congress be by state - with each state having one vote - or by representatives based on population? How should the western boundaries of Virginia and some other southern states be determined?
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  Adams felt overwhelmed by the work and stress. He considered taking a leave of absence to recuperate, and asked a friend to come with some horses for the ride home.
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Adams didn't know it, but Lord Howe had a list of American rebels whom he was to have hanged - and Adams was on it.

  News of the defeat and withdrawal of Gen. Washington from Long Island came towards the end of August. The news filled Philadelphia with gloom. "In general, our generals were out generalled" concluded Adams of the folly of putting the army at risk on an island in the face of the Royal Navy. Although his friend arrived with the horses, he decided he could not be spared at that moment. He was determined to stay the course.
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  Pressing the British advantage after the British victory on Long Island, Admiral Lord Howe offered to meet with a committee from Congress to discuss an accommodation. Adams, with Franklin and Rutledge, was chosen to go. Getting out of Philadelphia for the two day ride along the open roads of New Jersey proved an immediate tonic for Adams. Forced to share a bed in a small Inn with Franklin, Adams had a dispute with him over whether the window should be open, as Franklin thought most healthy, or closed as Adams desired.
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  Adams didn't know it, but Lord Howe had a list of American rebels whom he was to have hanged - and Adams was on it. It soon became evident that Lord Howe had no authority other than to grant pardons to some of the rebels should America submit. Further negotiation was impossible. The war would go on.
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Adams succeeded in limiting the authority in the negotiating instructions so that they excluded any articles of alliance that could be considered "entangling."

"Beyond independence, as he consistently emphasized, was the ultimate need for a republican form of government built on a foundation of checks and balances."

"Few Americans ever achieved so much of such value and consequence to their country in so little time."

  The need for outside assistance from France now became painfully apparent. By the end of September, 1776, it had been decided to send Franklin and Jefferson to France to pursue an alliance. When his wife's illness caused Jefferson, then at home in Monticello, to regretfully decline the commission, Arthur Lee, brother of Richard Henry Lee, was chosen to go in his place. This would prove to be an unfortunate choice.
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  After a strenuous fight, Adams succeeded in limiting the authority in the negotiating instructions so that they excluded any articles of alliance that could be considered "entangling." This would prove to be both prudent and farsighted.
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  In October, many members of Congress left for their homes. Adams was one of them. McCullough sums up his contributions.

  "For eight difficult, wearisome months, working under the greatest imaginable stress and with the full realization of all that was riding on what transpired in Congress, he had kept his head, kept driving toward the single surpassing objective of independence. The timing, the wording, the spirit of the Declaration, the plan of confederation, the approach to treaties, the winning of the war, were all, he saw, essential to achieving the large, overriding goal of an independent America. And beyond independence, as he consistently emphasized, was the ultimate need for a republican form of government built on a foundation of checks and balances." - - -
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  "Few Americans ever achieved so much of such value and consequence to their country in so little time. Above all, with his sense of urgency and unrelenting drive, Adams made the Declaration of Independence happen when it did. Had it come later, the course of events could have gone very differently."

  Washington achieved two small victories around the end of the year that saved his reputation - and probably his command. With Gen. Howe comfortably back in winter quarters in New York with his main force, Washington outmaneuvered Gen. Cornwallis - who was still in the field with about 6,000 men - to win victories over British garrisons at Trenton and Princeton. Adams was back at work in Congress. However, Congress had removed itself to Baltimore to get further away from Gen. Howe. By spring, Congress was back in Philadelphia - with only about 20 delegates in attendance.
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  Meanwhile, Abigail struggled with shortages and rampant inflation and the birth of another child. Adams would send her goods from Philadelphia - especially pins that she could use as trade goods in place of the rapidly depreciating paper currency. She maintained her family and the farm in good order in his absence, always supporting him in his work. But this baby was stillborn.
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  Momentous events were afoot as the military campaigning season arrived. Gen. William Howe put his army aboard his brother's ships. By September, they had landed south of Philadelphia, pushed Washington aside at Brandywine Creek, and chased Congress out of Philadelphia to the little market town of York. Adams again began to question Washington's leadership. (Washington's tactics still left much to be desired, but he was still facing a much superior force.)
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  Adams, however, shrewdly noticed something that Gen. Howe did not yet understand - - the capture of Philadelphia - the capital city - meant nothing to the young republic.
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The French alliance:

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Adams accepted the commission within a day of receiving it.

  In November, Adams - again back in Braintree - was commissioned to join Franklin and Arthur Lee in negotiations with France, replacing Silas Deane.
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  It was an immense additional sacrifice to ask of Adams and his wife. Abigail was for once resentful at this new imposition on their lives, and alarmed at the thought of a winter embarkation from Boston to cross a North Atlantic dominated by the Royal Navy. However, both understood the importance of an alliance with France, and Adams accepted the commission within a day of receiving it.
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  Just as Adams had never been to Philadelphia prior to the First Continental Congress, he had never crossed the Atlantic prior to taking 10-year-old John Quincy and a servant and copious supplies aboard the Boston (24), a new frigate, in the dead of winter, 1778. Again, McCullough sets the scene.

  "Adams was leaving his wife, children, friends, his home, his livelihood, everything he loved. He was risking his life and that of his small son, risking capture and who knew what horrors and indignities as a prisoner, all to begin 'new business' for which he felt ill suited, knowing nothing of European politics or diplomacy and unable to speak French, the language of diplomacy. He had never in his life laid eyes on a King or Queen, or the Foreign Minister of a great power, never set foot in a city of more than 30,000 people. At age forty-two he was bound for an unimaginably distant world apart, with very little idea of what was in store and every cause to be extremely apprehensive."

  Escaping from British frigates that were encountered along the way, and surviving a storm at sea and other adventures, Adams arrived in Bordeaux at the end of March after a month and a half at sea. However, the alliance had already been signed on February 6, 1778 - a momentous dividend earned by the victory over Burgoyne at Saratoga.
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Franklin had achieved a major diplomatic success that offered the possibility of an American victory over Great Britain.

  Adams and Franklin were back together again. McCullough provides a vivid description of the aging Franklin - an American icon in French eyes - greatly admired by Adams - but also viewed by Adams as disturbingly lax in many ways - especially in his accounting for expenditures. However, Franklin had achieved a major diplomatic success that offered the possibility of an American victory over Great Britain. Adams came quickly to the conclusion that it was Franklin who had the special relationship with the French Court, and that he and Lee were superfluous.
 &
  McCullough also provides a fine picture of France and the high society of Paris that Adams immediately came to admire - except, ominously, for the beggars who were everywhere.

  "Try as he might, Adams could never feel at ease in French society. Franklin, always at ease, never gave the appearance of trying at all."

The American Revolution had become a war for domination between the two primary powers of Europe.

  Now it was up to the commission to maintain cordial relations with their vital ally. Accounts by British notables who were spies in Paris provide McCullough with contemporary views of the two men. However, the primary spy was an American, Dr. Edward Bancroft, who was fluent in French and thus acted as a secretary for the commission. He was thus able to inform London of all the commission's instructions from Congress and its transactions with the French.
 &
  In June, 1778, Great Britain began attacking French ships at sea. The American Revolution had become a war for domination between the two primary powers of Europe. It would be fought worldwide, just as Adams had expected.
 &
  By September, Congress had agreed with Adams and made Franklin minister plenipotentiary to the French Court. Lee was reassigned to Spain - eliminating a growing source of discord between Lee and Franklin. Adams was free to come home - but felt oddly at loose ends. Glad to be going home to his Abigail and family, he was sad to be leaving the intellectual and cultural pleasures of Paris.
 &
  After a long delay getting embarked, it was August, 1779, before Adams arrived back in Boston harbor aboard the French frigate Sensible. Inflation and shortages were ravaging the economy, and there were British victories in the south and raids along the Connecticut coast, but Adams and his family rejoiced to be together again.
 &

The Massachusetts constitution:

All men were "equally free and independent" and had certain "natural, essential, and unalienable rights."

  It was Adams who was chosen to draft the Massachusetts constitution. It was the most ideal task for Adams. It was work of great importance to him for which he was ideally suited and - for once - prepared to do. Most important for Adams - this was a task he could perform from home, with Abigail and his children around him. "[The] result was to be one of the most admirable, long lasting achievements of John Adams's life."
 &
  He would not have to invent the wheel. There were already other constitutions framed by other states for Adams to draw on, and there was his own pamphlet "Thoughts on Government."
 &
  Working quickly, Adams labeled Massachusetts a "Commonwealth," like Virginia, a choice accepted by the convention without question. His Preamble expressed the social compact between the people and the commonwealth, "by which the whole covenants with each citizen, and each citizen with the whole people, that all shall be governed by certain laws for the common good."
 &
  Then came a "Declaration of Rights," drawing from the Virginia "Declaration of Rights" written by George Mason, and from the Pennsylvania constitution. It stated that all men were "equally free and independent" and had certain "natural, essential, and unalienable rights." It guaranteed "free elections," "freedom of speaking" and "liberty of the press." Trial by jury and protection against unreasonable searches and seizures were provided for.
 &
  Reflecting both the religious heritage and religious tolerance of the Commonwealth, it referred to worship as a "duty" and banned any interference with methods of worship as long as they did not disturb the peace. It banned titles of privilege.
 &

It divided the powers of government into separate legislative, executive and judicial departments, with the legislature divided into a House of Representatives and a Senate. The governor was to be elected annually and had veto power over legislation.

The Massachusetts constitution is now the oldest functioning constitution in the world.

   It created a "government of laws, and not of men." For that purpose, it divided the powers of government into separate legislative, executive and judicial departments, with the legislature divided into a House of Representatives and a Senate. The governor was to be elected annually and had veto power over legislation.
 &
  Then, in his most significant original contribution, Adams provided that judges would not be elected, but would be appointed - for life - "as long as they behave themselves well." Another original contribution from Adams was an affirmative obligation that government encourage education and the arts and sciences and promote the people's commerce.
 &
  The convention altered some of the language, provided for a legislative override of a veto, and that worship would be a right as well as a duty. Freedom of speech was removed. It would be reinstated at a later date.
 &
  Adams regretted some of the changes, but was delighted with the results. Adams lacked the elegance of language of Jefferson and Madison, but his work did not lack effectiveness. This constitution is now the oldest functioning constitution in the world.
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Wartime diplomat:

  He had been chosen minister plenipotentiary by Congress to negotiate treaties of peace with Great Britain. This time, he was given a salary of 2,500£ sterling and was authorized an assistant. He took nine-year-old Charles as well as John Quincy and two servants and a private secretary and tutor for the boys. His time at home had been so brief that the Sensible was still refitting in Boston, and he was offered passage. Abigail was once again disconsolate in her loneliness.
 &
  The trip was again an adventure - indeed a real ordeal - as the weather-worn ship was forced to head for the nearest port in northwest Spain. Rather than wait indefinitely for the ship to be repaired, the Adams party took off overland - over the Pyrenees in winter - 1,000 miles to Paris. The letters and journals of Adams and his son John Quincy tell of the grueling trip over terrible roads through poverty stricken Spain where only churches and clergy appeared rich and well fed. However, in town after town, Adams and his party were greeted with courtesy and friendship.
 &
  The roads in France were much better, and travel by post chaise much swifter. They reached Paris February 9, 1780, after an overland trip of almost two months.
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Gratitude to France must not extend to forgetting America's own interests.

Adams was truly a provincial. Worse, he was a novice; and there was no telling the damage such a man might do."

  "It was precisely Franklin's subtlety, his worldliness, that made him invaluable as a diplomat. Adams, on the other hand, was truly a provincial. Worse, he was a novice; and there was no telling the damage such a man might do."

Vergennes thought that American peace negotiations should be subject to the dictates of the French Court - something Adams categorically refused. Vergennes viewed Adams as rigid, arrogant and obstinate.

  However, there was as yet no peace to be negotiated. Adams had hurried 1,000 miles across the Pyrenees in winter only to have to bide his time in Paris. But Adams was not a man to bide his time.
 &
  He began to write - copiously. He gathered and sent all manner of intelligence back across the Atlantic, and conducted a propaganda campaign with numerous anonymous articles that he placed in both French and English publications. And, he enjoyed again the cultural delights of Paris, walking the city and visiting its attractions with his sons.
 &
  However, he also tried to deal with the French Court in his typical manner - direct and non-deferential. The alliance in his eyes was as much in the interests of France as of the U.S. Adams pressed vigorously for a strong French naval commitment to the conflict in America.
 &
  But the Court expected deferential conduct from foreign diplomats - something Franklin was a master of. Vergennes thought that American peace negotiations should be subject to the dictates of the French Court - something Adams categorically refused. Vergennes viewed Adams as rigid, arrogant and obstinate.
 &
  Vergennes' displeasure with Adams led Franklin to forward French complaints to Congress to induce a recall of Adams. It was a delicate time for the Alliance. Expenses and debts were becoming increasingly burdensome for the French Court, American currency had had to be sharply devalued, and war weariness afflicted everyone.
 &
  Adams was one step ahead of these events, however. He was off to Holland to see whether financial assistance might be obtained from the Dutch Republic. Vergennes provided the needed passports, "relieved to be rid of him."
 &

Viewing the commercial riches of Holland, Adams quickly became convinced of the need for America to become a naval power that could protect a world-wide commerce.

  In Holland, Adams was more in his element. He was far better suited for dealing with the practical Dutch than catering to the delicate expectations of the Bourbon Court. Here, viewing the commercial riches of Holland, he quickly became convinced of the need for America to become a naval power that could protect a world-wide commerce. "A navy is our natural defense," he emphasized to Congress.
 &
  The Dutch had reaped rich profits smuggling arms and other goods to America past the Royal Navy. Adams quickly made a wide variety of useful friends and contacts. But his labors were for naught.
 &
  Dutch commercial and financial ties to Great Britain were too important to be put at risk. British victories in the southern states and the treason of Benedict Arnold were not conducive to confidence in ultimate American success. Prospects looked as grim for Adams in Holland as for Washington in America. Adams now took a decidedly negative view of wintry and dreary Holland and of the penny-pinching and narrow-of-soul Dutch. Winter turned back into summer, and still Adams had nothing to show for his efforts.
 &

  On June 15, 1781, Congress acceded to French wishes to subject American peace negotiations to the dictates of the French Court. Adams was reduced from sole peacemaker to one of five commissioned for the task. Since Franklin was the only one in Paris, this temporarily left Franklin as the sole American negotiator.
 &
  The weakness of America and its dependence on France could not have been more clearly demonstrated. Abigail was incensed at the failure of Congress to support her husband. Adams apparently did not as yet know of the new negotiating instructions, but Adams' view of Franklin took a decidedly negative turn when he learned of Franklin's letter to Congress.
 &

Even with his reduction of status, Adams was still willing to risk all - to endure - in the service of his country.

  That summer, the boys departed. Fourteen year old John Quincy - now an accomplished linguist - was off on a 1,200 mile trip to St. Petersburg as interpreter for Francis Dana who was tasked with gaining recognition from the Empress Catherine the Great of Russia. Dana spoke neither Russian nor French. Charles was sent home. The return trip would be a hazardous five month adventure for Charles. Adams was brought back to Paris, as Vergennes planned to bring Austria and Russia in to mediate peace.
 &
  This effort, also, led to nothing, and Adams was soon back in Holland - only to be incapacitated for six weeks by some deathly illness. Even with his reduction of status, Adams was still willing to risk all - to endure - in the service of his country. McCullough speculates that the illness may have been either malaria - it would recur - or typhus. The illness swept Adams' staff.
 &

  Gen. Cornwallis surrendered at Yorktown on October 19, 1781.  Adams - his morale sunk to a low point - had requested recall from Congress. Then, the "glorious news" reached Adams on November 23. Adams (like Washington) did not recognize the decisive nature of the victory. He (like Washington) expected the war to continue.
 &
  But Adams was reenergized. He pressed the case for recognition by the Dutch government and launched a propaganda campaign to gain support from a sympathetic Dutch people. The Royal Navy had begun capturing Dutch ships at sea. The "question of American independence and Dutch-American relations became a matter of political debate throughout the country." Public sentiment against Great Britain was running high.
 &

The Dutch States-General recognized the United States on April 19, 1782.

In Adams' eyes, it was his patience and perseverance in the face of innumerable difficulties and indignities that was his primary contribution.

  The leaders of the Tory government in England were in no doubt of the impact of Yorktown. Lord North resigned on March 20, 1782. 

  England had been accumulating debts that would be viewed - mistakenly - as ruinous by Adam Smith in the last edition of his book, "The Wealth of Nations." It would readily grow itself out from under those debts after the war - as it would again from under far larger debts after the Napoleonic Wars. For France, however, with its rigid, feudal, mercantilist economy, there would be no recovery from its massive war debts..

  The new English government included friends of America like Lord Rockingham and Charles James Fox. Richard Oswald, a Scottish merchant, was sent to Paris to explore the possibilities for peace negotiations. The Dutch States-General recognized the United States on April 19. When Adams made the diplomatic rounds now, he was widely welcomed and courted. He was personally elated after his long frustrating ordeal. He opened America's first embassy in a foreign state.
 &
  However, Adams modestly recognized that George Washington and a host of providential events were more responsible than he for his current success. In his eyes, it was his patience and perseverance in the face of innumerable difficulties and indignities that was his primary contribution.
 &
  Still, it took Adams more than six months to negotiate a loan at 5% of 5 million guilders with Dutch bankers. This was just a fifth of the money Congress had hoped for, but it was sorely needed and helped establish the new nation's credit in Europe.
 &

  A commercial treaty was signed by Adams with the Dutch Republic on October 8, 1782. Adams' popularity with the Dutch government and people had become manifest in this solid accomplishment. His detractors in the French Court and the Francophiles in Congress had been totally refuted. McCullough sums up:

  "Untrained in diplomacy and by temperament seemingly so unsuited for it, he had indeed succeeded brilliantly, as others and history would attest. - - - But nothing he had done in the service of his country had given such satisfaction. No matter that the Dutch Republic was one of the 'lesser theaters' of Europe, or that other events in which he had played a decisive part would rank higher in the balance. It had been his own path that he had taken, alone and in his own way. He had been ignored, ridiculed; he had very nearly died in the process. Yet he had persisted and succeeded."

The peace treaty:

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The French were actively undermining the American position by secretly informing London of the limits of their support for the American negotiating positions.

"America was not fighting a war for independence to be told what to do by the French."

  Adams always thereafter gave Jay credit as the primary negotiator for the Americans. The two got along well, and were in general agreement on the matters under negotiation. In fact, the French were actively undermining the American position by secretly informing London of the limits of their support for the American negotiating positions.
 &
  It was apparently in Paris that Adams first learned that Congress had instructed the negotiating commission to "abide by the guidance of the French Foreign Ministry." Adams stoutly rejected those instruction, and threatened to resign if Congress insisted upon them. "America was not fighting a war for independence to be told what to do by the French." Jay was in perfect agreement with him on the proper approach to the French.
 &
  Ultimately, Franklin joined Jay and Adams in adopting a firm attitude towards the French, and in engaging in negotiations with Great Britain without consulting with the French Court. They would present a united front, and Adams' appreciation of Franklin soon began to recover.

  "It was a brave decision. In direct conflict with their instructions from Congress, and at risk of alienating the French, they would ignore Vergennes. In his diary, Adams described Franklin as 'with us in entire harmony.'"

At a stroke, the size of the new nation was doubled.

  The negotiations were spectacularly successful for the American team.

  "The fundamental questions to be dealt with, after acknowledgment of independence, were the boundaries of the United States, the right of navigation on the Mississippi River, debts, the interests of American Tories or Loyalists, and American fishing rights on the Grand Banks off Newfoundland, a main point with Adams."

• American independence was agreed to prior to other negotiations, so the negotiations could proceed on the basis of mutual sovereignty.
• Britain ceded all territory to the Mississippi River, "thus at a stroke doubling the size of the new nation."
• Private debts contracted in good faith to British merchants before the war should be paid. In the event, these would be frequently defaulted.
• Fishing "rights" on the Grand Banks were acknowledged, but fudged by use of the word "liberty" with respect to the Newfoundland coast. Adams was especially adamant on U.S. fishing "rights" rather than merely "liberty" at the Grand Banks.
• Compensation for confiscated Tory and Loyalist properties seized by the states was left to the states - where it would be ignored.

  Henry Laurens, a commissioner from the south who had been captured and confined in the Tower of London, arrived towards the end of the negotiations. He negotiated a line in the treaty preventing the British from "carrying away any Negroes or other property." In the event, the Royal Navy would carry away thousands of escaped slaves - many ultimately destined for an unfortunate effort to return them to Africa and unforeseen hardships.
 &

"They had acted in direct violation of both the French-American alliance and their specific instructions from Congress to abide by the advice of the French foreign minister."

Vergennes was frankly amazed at the favorable terms the Americans had negotiated.

  The preliminary treaty was signed November 30. 1782.

  "In effect, the Americans had signed a separate peace with the British. They had acted in direct violation of both the French-American alliance and their specific instructions from Congress to abide by the advice of the French foreign minister. To Adams there was no conflict in what they had done. The decision to break with the orders from Congress, and thus break faith with the French, had been clear cut. The only honorable course. Congress had left them no choice. Congress had 'prostituted' its own honor by surrendering its sovereignty to the French Foreign Minister."

  Franklin, with his usual diplomatic flair, quickly patched up relations with Vergennes and the French Court. Vergennes was frankly amazed at the favorable terms the Americans had negotiated. The peace treaty could not take effect until French and British negotiations were completed in any event. It would not be until September 3, 1783, that the definitive Paris Peace Treaty would be signed.

  "As time would tell, the treaty that he, Franklin, and Jay had made was as advantageous to their country as any in history. It would be said they had won the greatest victory in the annals of American diplomacy."

Peacetime diplomat:

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The U.S. needed open markets desperately, but was faced with mercantilist trade barriers everywhere.

  He was soon joined by Jefferson, who replaced Jay. Working again to achieve mutually agreeable objectives, the two enjoyed one of their periods of close harmonious collaboration and friendship. With Franklin, they were a unified force - but they could only manage one trade treaty - with Prussia. The U.S. needed open markets desperately, but was faced with mercantilist trade barriers everywhere.
 &
  McCullough gives us Paris through the letters of Abigail, John Quincy and Nabby, as well as from other sources. He contrasts Jefferson's profligate debt-ridden life style with that of Adams and Abigail. Jefferson - typically - was constantly giving good advice about avoidance of debts, but he had not the discipline to restrain his acquisitions. His thoughts and writings on slavery would similarly fail to be reflected in his practices.
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  Adams arrived with Abigail and Nabby in London on May 20, 1785, as the first U.S. minister to the Court of St. James. John Quincy headed home to attend Harvard. Franklin, too, headed home, leaving Jefferson in France. Adams would never see Franklin again.
 &
  Again, McCullough uses the letters of Abigail and Nabby as well as other sources to provide us with a contemporary view of London. He provides glimpses of the great city, its culture and high society, and its impoverished multitudes in the streets.
 &
  Diplomatic life took a decidedly unpleasant turn for Adams in London. While always received with official diplomatic correctness, English attitudes towards Adams and his family were generally scornful and patronizing. The press savaged them, and they were socially ostracized. Congress - administering a weak, bankrupt government, cut his pay to just $2,000, leaving them without funds to properly entertain - but Adams soldiered gamely on.
 &
  Various cultural figures, painters and some Americans living in London comprised their limited social circle. London's entertainments enchanted them. But the Loyalists who had fled to London - most of whom found life hard there - were often venomous.
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"With its paper money nearly worthless, its economy in shambles, the United States was desperate for trade, yet without the power or prestige to make demands, or even, it seemed, to qualify for respect."

  McCullough sums up the diplomatic problems that Adams wrestled with.

  "Of the multiple issues in contention between Britain and the new United States of America, and that John Adams had to address as minister, nearly all were holdovers from the Treaty of Paris, agreements made but not resolved, concerning debts, treatment of Loyalists, compensation for slaves and property confiscated by the British, and the continuing presence of British troops on the western frontier in America. All seemed insoluble. With its paper money nearly worthless, its economy in shambles, the United States was desperate for trade, yet without the power or prestige to make demands, or even, it seemed, to qualify for respect."

The Articles of Confederation, finally adopted in 1781, did not give Congress the power to regulate commerce.

There were determined, competent, even some brilliant men in the U.S. who were figuring out what was needed for the success of republican government

  The British were in no mood to accommodate their errant colonies. Their ports remained closed to American vessels, so that no products could be traded with the British Empire but in English ships. The Articles of Confederation, finally adopted in 1781, did not give Congress the power to regulate commerce. All 13 states could and did go their own ways. It was a "sad and humiliating situation."
 &
  It was widely believed in London that the experiment in democracy in America would fail. This expectation proved correct. The experiment under the Articles of Confederation was doomed.
 &
  It was widely expected in London that the confederated states - wracked by inflation and disunity and without influence abroad - would be forced to seek reintegration into the British Empire. The British were certainly not going to make things easier for their errant colonies by opening their ports or the ports of their vast empire to American ships.
 &
  This expectation would prove to be in error. There were determined, competent, even some brilliant men in the U.S. who were figuring out what was needed for the success of republican government and who viewed the onrushing financial and political crisis not as a disaster but as an opportunity to make the changes needed.
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Great damage was being caused when states "trifled with public and private credit."

  Both Adams in Britain and Jefferson in France were almost totally thwarted in their diplomatic efforts. The U.S. had no diplomatic leverage. When Adams complained about the failure of the British to withdraw their troops from their forts in the west, the British complained about the failure of Americans to pay debts due British creditors. Adams was aghast when Massachusetts and some other states voted against compliance with the debt payment requirements of the Paris Peace Treaty. Great damage was being caused when states "trifled with public and private credit," Adams wrote.
 &
  Adams and Jefferson were in close contact during this trying time. Their correspondence was frequent and candid. Their relationship was clearly still one of close friendship.
 &
  Jefferson spent two months in London in the spring of 1786 to help in negotiations with the Barbary States over the safety of American merchant ships in the Mediterranean Sea. Adams and Jefferson took off together on a six day tour of English landscape gardens. These were actually vast private parks, some covering hundreds of acres. The trip took them as far as Birmingham. When Jefferson returned to Paris, he wrote a letter to Madison that included fulsome praise for Adams as a person, but expressing the view that Adams was still lacking in any practical appreciation "of the motives which govern men."
 &
  The negotiations with the representative of the Barbary States in London did not go well. The tribute demanded was far in excess of anything the impoverished Congress could come up with. Both Adams and Jefferson became convinced of the need for a strong navy.
 &
  However, in 1787, a pact was signed with Morocco. The U.S., like the European nations, began paying tribute for protection of its merchant fleet in the Mediterranean. It would be more than a decade before a suitable American navy would begin to be developed to play a decisive role in these matters.
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The Constitution of the United States:

Differences of character, capabilities, ambitions and passions were realities that had to be accommodated in the system of government There could never be a nation of "equals."

  Nevertheless, he was determined to participate. A second book - actually more like a lawyer's brief - advocating the provisions he had written for the Massachusetts constitution - was hastily written and sent off. Jefferson in Paris, and even Madison - no admirer of Adams - expressed approval. Benjamin Rush claimed that Adams' book had been very influential in the public acceptance of the idea of a "vigorous and compound federal legislature." Madison acknowledged appreciatively that the book was "a powerful engine in forming public opinion."
 &
  Adams repeated his support for a government of checks and balances - of laws, not of men - with an independent judiciary - a strong, independent executive - and a bicameral legislature with powers that were nevertheless "naturally and necessarily sovereign and supreme" over the executive. Since most states had governments of this type, and the Articles were an evident failure - he was in essence preaching to the choir on these points.
 &
  To this he added philosophic thought and scholarly references on the strengths and weakness of peoples. Human nature was unchanged and unchangeable since civilization began. Differences of character, capabilities, ambitions and passions were realities that had to be accommodated in the system of government There could never be a nation of "equals."
 &

"The whole people were incapable of deciding much of anything, even on the small scale of a village."

The power to govern - whether legislative, executive or judicial - must never be without checks and balances sufficient to prevent gross abuse of power.

  The system had to be a representative republic, not a popular democracy.

  "A simple, perfect democracy had never yet existed. The whole people were incapable of deciding much of anything, even on the small scale of a village. He had had enough experience with town meetings at home to know that in order for anything to be done certain powers and responsibilities had to be delegated to a moderator, a town clerk, a constable, and, at times, to special committees."

  Government had to have the power to govern. However, that power - whether legislative, executive or judicial - must never be without checks and balances sufficient to prevent gross abuse of power.
 &

The federal government was taking shape in Philadelphia - and so was the political partisan divide of the nation.

"A result of accommodation and compromise cannot be supposed perfectly to coincide with any one's ideas of perfection."

  There were those who did not welcome Adams' book. They feared a strengthened federal government. Madison was among those viewed as favoring the establishment of a monarchy. The federal government was taking shape in Philadelphia - and so was the political partisan divide of the nation.
 &
  When he received a copy of the Constitution, Adams expressed great satisfaction with the results. He immediately joined those advocating a Bill of Rights similar to that included in the Massachusetts constitution. But while Adams thought the presidency should have been still stronger - that the President should not have needed Senate approval of major appointments - Jefferson expressed fears that a President - controlling the military - could enthrone himself for life.
 &
  The philosophic differences between the two were recognized by Adams. He replied to Jefferson: "You are afraid of the one, I the few." Abuse of the powers of the Senate were Adams' primary concern.
 &
  In a letter to Jay endorsing the Constitution, Adams put his finger on the key point.

  "A result of accommodation and compromise cannot be supposed perfectly to coincide with any one's ideas of perfection. But as all the great principles necessary to order, liberty, and safety are respected in it, and provision is made for corrections and amendments as they may be found necessary, I confess I hope to hear of its adoption by all the states."

  Adams was recalled at the end of the year as he had requested. After a quick trip to Holland to take his formal leave from there and - with Jefferson - to negotiate yet another loan to assure the credit of the U.S. in Europe for awhile longer, Adams and Abigail - with a huge baggage of their acquisitions over the years in Europe - sailed for home. It was to be the last time he and Jefferson were to collaborate on a public matter.
 &
  Nabby and her new husband and child sailed separately for New York. There was already talk of Adams being elected Vice President. Nabby, for one, was certain that her 52 year old father would never be content with bucolic retirement as a citizen and farmer in Braintree, and that he would yet again answer his country's call to service.
 &

Vice President John Adams:

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How could this nation - sparsely populated and widely scattered - be held together? The antifederalists were still strong, and Americans still put the interests of state or region ahead of that of the nation as a whole.

  McCullough draws a picture of the new nation as of 1789. Now twice the size as before the Revolution, with almost 4 million souls, it was bursting with energy, and projects - and problems.
 &
  Finances were a mess, there were only three banks, roads were appallingly bad, the army had shrunk to just 700 officers and men and the navy had disappeared. Except along the coast and tidewater inlets, it was mostly wilderness.
 &
  How could this nation - sparsely populated and widely scattered - be held together? The antifederalists were still strong, and Americans still put the interests of state or region ahead of that of the nation as a whole.
 &
  To Adams, the answer was clear. It was essential to strengthen the national government so that it was raised above the state governments. "The first line of the Constitution made the point, 'We the people, in order to form a more perfect union.'"
 &

Only Massachusetts had so far abolished slavery.

  Both Washington and Adams had grave doubts about their ability to fulfill their roles and grapple successfully with the nation's many problems as they began their first terms. Adams got off to a bad start, trying to enhance the prestige of the national government by the adoption of a suitable title for the President. He pressed the point with his usual obstinate vigor until he became the butt of ridicule. He (fortunately)  lost this debate, and it was decided that the President be addressed simply as "The President of the United States."
 &
  One unfortunate result of Adams' unpopularity was the decision of Washington to keep his distance from Adams - a precedent that further diminished the significance of the office of the Vice President. Now, Adams' adversaries were labeling him a monarchist.
 &
  If his role in government was dull and unpromising, his time in New York City with Abigail was one of the most pleasant of their lives. They were important at least in social circles. However, Adams would get to vote thirty one times to break Senate deadlocks during his  two terms as Vice President. He always voted loyally to support Washington administration positions. No other Vice President would vote so often. (The Senate would never again be so small and thus so subject to deadlocked votes.) His votes, among other things, defeated a Senate effort to have a say in the removal of cabinet officers (an issue that would recur again with respect to the impeachment of Pres. Andrew Johnson).
 &

Adams wrote fearfully that a revolutionary government without checks and balances could become the plaything of "the most fiery spirits and flighty geniuses."

  The French Revolution burst suddenly on the scene from across the sea. The news was received by many in the U.S. with great joy. Adams, too, wrote initially of his hopes for a good outcome, but he was more than a little skeptical. He wrote fearfully that a revolutionary government without checks and balances could become the plaything of "the most fiery spirits and flighty geniuses."

  "France was 'in great danger.' Ahead of anyone in government, and more clearly than any, Adams foresaw the French Revolution leading to chaos, horror, and ultimate tyranny."

  As Adams wrote: "Everything will be torn down. - - - But what will be built up?" The Irish statesman Edmund Burke - who had been a strong friend of the American Revolution in Parliament - wrote scathingly of the French Revolution.
 &

Jefferson was immediately enthusiastic about the French Revolution, and long remained an apologist for its grisly excesses.

  A period of unavoidable professional idleness was once again filled by Adams with profuse writings. He began publishing a long - much too long - a year long - series of essays in the Gazette of the United States on the weaknesses of human nature and the implications for republican government. He wrote about ambition, avarice, poverty, fame, and honor - "the passions" that influence the actions of men far more often than does cold reason.
 &
  Jefferson - in his inimitable style - had just written for the same publication a declaration of his faith in human reason and majoritarian democracy. He  was immediately enthusiastic about the French Revolution, and long remained an apologist for its grisly excesses. He determinedly associated the Jacobins with the Republican patriots in the U.S., and intentionally turned a blind eye to the increasingly bloody events in France.

  "But to Adams, the 'sufficiency' of reason alone for the care of human affairs was by no means clear, and it was exactly the will of the majority, particularly as being exercised in France, that so gravely concerned him."

With the new government not yet firmly established and its finances still in turmoil, Washington was the only "unifying force respected by all."

  Jefferson and Adams parted philosophic ways with these essays. While pleasant towards each other during social encounters, Jefferson no longer consulted Adams on official business. Aware of the widening political divide, Adams, like Washington, fretted over the rise in partisan divisiveness.

  "That political parties were an evil that could bring the ruination of republican government was doctrine he, with others, had long accepted and espoused. 'There is nothing I dread so much as a division of the Republic into two great parties, each arranged under its leader and converting measures in opposition to each other,' Adams had observed to a correspondent while at Amsterdam, before the [American] Revolution ended. Yet this is exactly what happened."

  When an influenza epidemic swept New York that May, 1790, leaving Pres. Washington apparently at death's door, Adams and Abigail joined the whole nation in anxiety over the outcome. With the new government not yet firmly established and its finances still in turmoil, Washington was the only "unifying force respected by all."
 &

"Jefferson had tagged Adams with being both mentally unsound and a monarchist, the two charges most commonly and unjustly made against him for the rest of his life."

  However, the schism between Jefferson and Adams became public for the first time. The occasion was another Thomas Paine pamphlet - "The Rights of Man" - defending the French Revolution from the attack launched by Edmund Burke in "Reflections on the Revolution in France." Jefferson arranged for the reprinting of Paine's pamphlet in America. He endorsed it as "Secretary of State" as the answer to "the political heresies that have sprung up among us."
 &
  It was soon known that this was another attack on Adams as a political heretic and monarchist. Since John Adams would not deign to defend himself, John Quincy took up the task - further inflaming the issue. Adams and Jefferson ultimately exchanged letters in an ostensible effort at reconciliation, but the damage was done.

  "From this point on, Adams and Jefferson were seldom to be perceived as anything other than archrivals. The public stage that Jefferson said he abhorred, had made them in the public mind symbols of the emerging divisions in national politics. Further, in what he had written to Madison, and in what he had said in his note to the printer, Jefferson had tagged Adams with being both mentally unsound and a monarchist, the two charges most commonly and unjustly made against him for the rest of his life."

Only Washington could at this time hold the nation together.

Indeed, the virulence of their disputes was driven by their concerns for the nation and what might become of it.

The virulence of their partisan disputes was driven by their concerns for the nation and what might become of it.

  By the end of Washington's first term, partisan venom filled the press. The enmity between Jefferson and Hamilton as leaders of the opposing groups troubled Washington and sharply divided his cabinet. McCullough sums up their differences.

  "The one, Hamilton, disliked and distrusted the French, while, for the good of the American economy, strongly favoring better relations with Britain. The other, Jefferson, disliked and distrusted the British, while seeing in France and the French Revolution the embodiment of the highest ideals of the American Revolution. To Jefferson, Hamilton was 'not only a monarchist, but for a monarchy bottomed on corruption.' To Hamilton, Jefferson belonged among those 'pretenders to profound knowledge' who were 'ignorant of the most useful of all sciences -- the science of human nature.' The day would come, Hamilton warned, when Jefferson would be revealed as a voluptuary and an 'intriguing incendiary.'"

  They did agree on one thing, however. Only Washington could at this time hold the nation together. Their commitment to the young nation was greater than their personal ambitions. Indeed, the virulence of their disputes was driven by their concerns for the nation and what might become of it. Washington yet again answered his nation's call, and was unanimously elected. Adams was handily reelected as Vice President.
 &

Adams was content to execute "the most insignificant office that ever the invention of man contrived or his imagination conceived."

In theory, Jefferson deplored parties or faction no less than did Adams or anyone. In practice, however, he was proving remarkably adept at party politics. As always, he avoided open dispute, debate, controversy, or any kind of confrontation, but behind the scenes he was unrelenting and extremely effective.

  His second term as Vice President saw Adams and Abigail separated again. So meager was his compensation that she decided to stay at home. During the six month long Congressional sessions, he took a room in the home of Samuel Otis, the secretary of the Senate. Both Adams and Abigail felt comforted by the verdict of the elections and the wisdom of the people. Adams was content to execute "the most insignificant office that ever the invention of man contrived or his imagination conceived."
 &
  For six months, he could be home with Abigail and was content with his life. Even the Republican press no longer deigned to attack him. The Republican press now shifted its attacks to Washington. It "was now he who had the deplorable inclination to monarchy." Jefferson had become obsessed with the notion that monarchists were poised to destroy the republic - and urged on the Republican press and essay writers to greater attacks - especially against Hamilton.

  "What vexed Adams was Jefferson's 'blind spirit of party.' In theory, Jefferson deplored parties or faction no less than did Adams or anyone. In practice, however, he was proving remarkably adept at party politics. As always, he avoided open dispute, debate, controversy, or any kind of confrontation, but behind the scenes he was unrelenting and extremely effective. To Jefferson it was a matter of necessity, given his hatred of Hamilton and all that was riding on what he called the 'beautiful' revolution in France. To Adams, Jefferson had become a fanatic. There is not a Jacobin in France more devoted to faction, he told Abigail."

  Adams preferred to stay independent - apart from the party strife. This attitude only deepened his insignificance. Jefferson resigned from the cabinet and departed on January 6, 1794, much to the relief of Adams. Shrewdly, Adams asserted in his letters that Jefferson's retirement to his quiet pursuits at Monticello would eventually be abandoned in favor of his driving ambition. Indeed, in subsequent years, Jefferson would admit that these years spent in the relative seclusion of Monticello had undermined his morale. However, he would never admit this to Adams.

  "Jefferson had once described Adams as a poor judge of human nature -- 'a bad calculator of the force and probably the effect of the motives which govern men,' Jefferson had said in a letter to Madison. But with the exception of Madison, Adams understood Jefferson as well as anyone did, or perhaps ever could. And as exasperated as Adams was with him, as critical as he sounded, he refused to let the friendship slip away."

  The Jay Treaty was a key source of discord during Washington's second term. In April, 1794, war fever began to grip the nation as British ships began to press seamen off American merchant ships. Adams cast another of his votes in the Senate, defeating a bill that would have suspended all trade with Britain.
 &
  War between France and Great Britain would rage for 22 years. The terror in revolutionary France had reached new heights. It was now eating its own leaders. Despite the efforts of the Jacobin minister, Citizen Genêt, to bring the U.S. into the war on the side of France, public opinion had swung strongly in favor of neutrality. Both Adams and Jefferson could agree that war was to be avoided.
 &
  Both Hamilton and Henry Knox had left the cabinet by the end of 1794. There was a sense that Washington's presidency - and an era in U.S. history - were drawing to a close. By the end of 1795, even Edmund Randolph was gone from the cabinet. The replacement cabinet left much to be desired. Like several of the Congressmen, Adams now lodged at the Francis Hotel while in Philadelphia.
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President John Adams:

&

As soon as it became apparent that Adams had won - by a mere three electoral votes - and that Jefferson would be Vice President - there was a dramatic change of tone in the press to one of acceptance.

They also stressed how essential it was for the nation to remain neutral and at peace in the midst of the great conflicts raging across the Atlantic.

  The nation was prosperous and at peace. Washington's two terms had been tremendously successful. The partisan divisiveness was not enough to threaten the union. As soon as it became apparent that Adams had won - by a mere three electoral votes - and that Jefferson would be Vice President - there was a dramatic change of tone in the press to one of acceptance. Even the Republican press could take comfort that Adams would be a staunchly independent leader - not a Federalist partisan. However, the campaign had caused a final split between Adams and Hamilton over the latter's political "intrigues."
 &
  For Adams' inauguration, the three great revolutionary leaders - Washington, Adams and Jefferson - appeared together for the last time.
 &
  Partisan party politics - ultimately such an important part of the nation's political process - were deplored and warned against in both Washington's Farewell Address and Adams' inaugural. They also stressed how essential it was for the nation to remain neutral and at peace in the midst of the great conflicts raging across the Atlantic.
 &

The nation was embroiled in an undeclared war with France for which it was totally unprepared.

  However, France had construed the Jay Treaty as an alliance against it, and Adams was immediately faced with the diplomatic challenge of obtaining a reconciliation with revolutionary France - now under the rule of the five man Directory. Adams would get no help from Jefferson or Madison on this vital matter. The Directory rejected his emissary, and French privateers began seizing American merchant vessels. Within a few months, they had taken more than 300.
 &
  The nation was thus embroiled in an undeclared war with France for which it was totally unprepared. Nevertheless, Adams was determined to settle all disputes with France.
 &
  Among his other problems, Adams quickly lost confidence in the cabinet he had inherited from Washington. On top of everything, it was also apparent that his $25,000 salary would be insufficient to cover all the social obligations of the presidency. Abigail was home managing the farm and the family finances without him - and he missed her dearly. She finally joined him in Philadelphia on May 10, 1797. Her letters thereafter provide a detailed, intimate view of the Adams presidency. It was "splendid misery."
 &

Adams requested from Congress both a military buildup and support for new peace emissaries to be sent to France.

Aided and abetted by Jefferson, the Republican press savaged Adams at every turn.

  Adams tackled the French problem along two opposite but mutually supporting fronts. He requested from Congress both a military buildup and support for new peace  emissaries to be sent to France. This time, the negotiating commission would include John Marshall, Elbridge Gerry and Secretary of State Timothy Pickering. They would be "dealing with the extremely wily and charming new French Foreign Minister, Charles Maurice de Talleyrand-Périgord."
 &
  Jefferson would not be the loyal Vice President to Adams that Adams had been to Washington. Aided and abetted by Jefferson, the Republican press savaged Adams at every turn. The evidence is that Jefferson actively worked to undermine the effectiveness of the negotiating commission
 &
  Before leaving for the summer recess, a fractious Congress had at least approved the completion of three oversized frigates started during the previous administration - the Constitution, the United States, and the Constellation. By the end of Adams' administration, the U.S. Navy would boast about 50 ships and 5,000 officers and seamen.
 &

  A young French general, Napoleon Bonaparte, swept victoriously across Northern Italy and into Austria. By 1798, he commanded all French forces on land and sea, and France looked like an unstoppable military power. The French continued to take U.S. merchant vessels at sea, and refused even to receive the U.S. peace commission.
 &
  Adams went to Congress to ask for measures needed for the defense of the nation in the event of attack. The Republicans and Jefferson pounced on him, claiming this minimum response amounted to a declaration of war against France.
 &

It was the navy that Adams thought most appropriate for the defense of the nation, and its development as a separate cabinet department was his pride and joy.

  Then, the Republicans fumbled the ball. They demanded that the President reveal to Congress all the documents concerning the failure of the peace commission. Federalists in Congress decided to let them have what they wanted. The result was the "X, Y, Z Affair."
 &
  Three French negotiators - identified only as "X," "Y," and "Z" - had demanded bribes for themselves and a $10 million loan for France. This was a bombshell that blew up in the face of Republican support for France.
 &
  That spring, Congress gave Adams what he had asked for. Harbor fortifications and cannon foundries were established, merchant vessels were armed for defense against privateers, and U.S. warships were authorized to capture French privateers. A provisional army of 10,000 men was authorized.
 &
  However, it was the navy that Adams thought most appropriate for the defense of the nation, and its development as a separate cabinet department was his pride and joy. Jefferson derided the new navy as a colossal waste of money - (but he would have to rely on it to deal with the Barbary pirate states during his own presidency).
 &

  The country rallied around its President - (as it would do repeatedly during the crises that would arise in subsequent years). Adams' popularity soared.
 &
  In June, John Marshall returned from his failed peace mission. Nevertheless, Marshall perceptively did not think the French wanted war with the U.S. This conformed with Adams' views, so Adams maintained his cautious approach to the French. If he had asked for a Declaration of War against France at this time, Congress would have granted it. But he wisely did not. Nevertheless, he then stumbled badly.
 &

There were prosecutions under the Sedition Act, which made criminal any "False, scandalous, and malicious" writing against the government, Congress, or the President, or any attempt "to excite against them - - - the hatred of the good people of the United States, or to stir up sedition."

Proof of the truth of the libel could be used as a legitimate defense.

"The real and obvious intent was to stifle the Republican press, and of those arrested and convicted under the law, nearly all were Republican editors."

  With the Alien and Sedition Acts, Congress turned its ire on enemies at home.

  "In two sweltering weeks, their popularity and confidence never higher, the Federalist majority in Congress passed into law extreme measures that Adams had not asked for or encouraged. But then neither did he oppose them, and their passage and his signature on them were to be rightly judged by history as the most reprehensible acts of his presidency. Still, the infamous Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798 must be seen in the context of the time, and the context was tumult and fear."

  McCullough points out that there were in fact large populations of French émigrés in the U.S. and many French agents who might cause trouble in the event of war. Also, there were the Irish refugees from the Irish Rebellion who sided with France. And, the U.S. was in fact at war with France - declared or not.
 &
  Adams never invoked the Alien Act or the Naturalization Act to deport "dangerous" foreigners. However, there were prosecutions under the Sedition Act, which made criminal any "False, scandalous, and malicious" writing against the government, Congress, or the President, or any attempt "to excite against them - - - the hatred of the good people of the United States, or to stir up sedition." If rigorously enforced, this bill could have put the rabid partisan press of the day out of business.

  "Though it was clearly a violation of the First Amendment to the Constitution guaranteeing freedom of speech, its Federalist proponents in Congress insisted, like Adams, that it was a war measure, and an improvement on the existing common law in that proof of the truth of the libel could be used as a legitimate defense. Still, the real and obvious intent was to stifle the Republican press, and of those arrested and convicted under the law, nearly all were Republican editors."

  John Marshall was one of the few Federalists who opposed these laws. However, the laws were widely popular. Abigail, incensed at the abuse and rabid falsehoods hurled routinely at her husband by the Republican press, was strongly in favor of the laws.

 "In a matter of days, Congress abrogated the French-American treaties of 1778, created a permanent Marine Corps, passed the Sedition Act, and approved the nomination of George Washington as supreme commander. War fever was at a pitch."

  Hamilton, too, was nominated by Adams for a military commission, but so were several Republicans.
 &

  Home after the close of the Congressional session, Adams was still busy. With Abigail dreadfully ill that summer, he soldiered on. McCullough summarizes some of his official activities.

  "Official reports from Philadelphia, dispatches from department heads, documents requiring his signature, requests for pardons, applications for jobs, reports of all kinds, arrived in assorted bundles, daily by post rider. Decisions were called for on matters large and small. Benjamin Rush asked that his brother be considered for the Supreme Court. There was a request for the President's approval to build a lighthouse at Cape Hatteras, a request from Secretary Wolcott for authority to borrow up to $5,000,000 on behalf of the United States, reports from Wolcott on the yellow fever epidemic. Secretary McHenry sent an extended review, numbing in detail, of expenditures required for the Department of War. - - - Nor was there any letup in the stream of patriotic addresses."

Adams' request for Senate approval of a peace emissary in February, 1799, undermined Republican assertions that he was a war monger, and stunned the Hamiltonian Federalists who desired a declaration of war.

  Meanwhile, Hamilton, too, was busy. He was intriguing with members of Adams' cabinet to become the second in command of the Army under the aging George Washington. Hamilton convinced Washington to name Hamilton as his second in command. Hamilton had, after all, been a gallant and effective and loyal officer during the Revolution. Since Washington was clearly a figurehead at that age, "the proposed arrangement meant, in effect, that Hamilton was to be in command -- it was to be Hamilton's army."
 &
  Adams quickly smelled a rat. He remained highly suspicious of Hamilton. But he needed Washington's prestige. He seemed cornered by Hamilton's intrigue. Then, Elbridge Gerry appeared suddenly on the scene - returned from Paris - with news that the French wanted peace after all. There was also a rumor that an English admiral - Horatio Nelson - had destroyed the French fleet in Egyptian waters.
 &
  Suddenly, the need for an enlarged army had disappeared. France needed no more enemies. With assurances from Talleyrand that new emissaries would be received with respect, Adams could see his way out of Hamilton's net. His request for Senate approval of such an emissary in February, 1799, undermined Republican assertions that he was a war monger, and stunned the Hamiltonian Federalists who desired a declaration of war. They turned on both Adams and Gerry, both of whom would pay a heavy political price for doing their duty and keeping the nation out of war.
 &
  However, the Federalists in the Senate could not but approve the new peace commission. It would be a year and a half before the negotiations with Talleyrand would bear fruit.
 &

  In March, the Constellation captured the French frigate L'Insurgent in the waters off the Leeward Islands. The undeclared war was no longer a one sided affair.

  "While his entire political standing, his reputation as President, were riding on his willingness to make peace, Adams was no less ardent for defense. In fact, he was convinced that peace was attainable only as a consequence of America's growing naval strength. To Secretary Stoddart he even proposed that some of the fast new ships might be used to cruise the coast of France."

   Adams thwarted the Hamilton intrigue. McCullough goes at some length into the patient, careful way in which Adams did this. It was not until November, 1799, that the peace commission sailed for France. By the middle of 1800, the new army that Hamilton had hoped to lead had been disbanded. But a peace treaty with France was still several months away.

  "If Hamilton and his admirers in the cabinet had outmaneuvered Adams in the contest over command of the army, Adams now had cut the ground out from under Hamilton. Whatever dreams Hamilton entertained of military glory and empire, America was to have no need of either a standing army or a Bonaparte, which, it is fair to say, was as clear an objective in Adams's mind as was peace with France."

  A new century:

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There were Sedition Act prosecutions against some who criticized the President, but this only made heroes of the defendants.

  Republican infatuation with revolutionary France also came to an end as Napoleon took over the French government as First Consul and declared the Revolution over. The U.S. braced for its second contested election.
 &
  McCullough goes into considerable detail about the vicious campaigns of 1800. As was by now usual, anything that was true in the partisan press was purely coincidental. There were Sedition Act prosecutions against some who criticized the President, but this only made heroes of the defendants. Adams finally fired two of his disloyal cabinet members.
 &

  Hamilton launched a vicious attack on Adams towards the end of the election campaign. This assured Adams' defeat - and destroyed the coherence of the Federalist Party. It thus greatly undermined Hamilton's political influence. It gave Jefferson his chance for victory.
 &
  On November 1, 1800, Adams arrived in Washington to take up residence in what would come to be known as the White House. It was still far from finished, but was clearly a grand structure - in a still bleak locale. The election went against Adams, as he suspected, but the exact results would not be known for a few days. News of a favorable peace treaty with France arrived too late to influence the results. The death of a troubled son, Charles Adams, also came at this time.
 &

"It was his determination to find peace and check Hamilton that cost him the full support of the party and thus the election."

  The election was as close as they come. Jefferson and Aaron Burr - a New York politician - each had 73 electoral votes. Adams had 65. McCullough points out that Adams would have won but for the extra votes provided the southern states in the Constitution wherein each slave counted as three fifths of a person for purposes of the allocation of electoral votes. (But, without this compromise, there would have been no Constitution.) General Charles Pinckney received 63 electoral votes. The House of Representatives would decide the election.

  "In the last analysis, however, it was not Jefferson or the 'dexterous' Burr who defeated Adams so much as the Federalist war faction and the rampaging Hamilton. And none of this would have happened but for Adams's decision to send the second peace mission to France. It was his determination to find peace and check Hamilton that cost him the full support of the party and thus the election."

  In the event, Hamilton threw his support to Jefferson. He had been left with nothing but a choice of - to him - two evils, and Burr was the greater evil. Adams, as usual, refused to take part in the political intrigues. In private, Adams, too, preferred the proven Jefferson to the political upstart, Burr.
 &
  Jefferson joined the President at the President's House for the New Year's reception and, a few days later, for dinner. Civility reigned. That there would thus be a smooth transfer of power - even after such a bitter political campaign - became one of Adams' most enduring and important precedents as President.
 &

"Possibly the greatest Chief Justice in history, Marshall would serve on the Court for another thirty-four years."

  Adams as President had one more vital contribution to make to his country.

  "On January 31, 1801, at the President's House, Adams signed Marshall's commission as Chief Justice, which the Senate confirmed without delay. In its far reaching importance to the country, Adams's appointment of Marshall was second only to his nomination of George Washington to command the Continental Army twenty-five years before. Possibly the greatest Chief Justice in history, Marshall would serve on the Court for another thirty-four years."

  McCullough overstates the influence of Adams' nomination of Washington to command the Continental Army. Washington would undoubtedly have been chosen by the Continental Congress if Adams had not even been there.

  The House of Representatives finally opted for Jefferson on February 17 on the 36th ballot. Then came Adams' lame duck reform of the federal judiciary that Adams hoped would assure Federalist influence in the Judiciary for decades to come.

  "In the lame-duck Federalist Senate, meanwhile, an act expanding the Federal judiciary, something Adams had proposed more than a year earlier, was passed into law. The number of circuit courts was doubled to six. Twenty-three new judges were added."

  These "midnight appointments" have ever since received severe criticism.

  "In fact, most all of the nominees were perfectly good choices and the Republicans opposed hardly any of them."

  They didn't have to. With Republican control of the new Congress, among Jefferson's first decisions as President was to do away with Adams' Judiciary Act and the new circuits. However, he also began cutting back on the navy, halted shipbuilding and sold off some ships (ships the nation would dearly need during the next two decades). He also released all those who remained in prison under the Sedition Act.
 &

  Inauguration day was March 4, 1801. Adams left before the ceremony - heading for home. McCullough sums up Adams' presidency.

  "In turbulent, dangerous times, he had held to a remarkably steady course. He had shown that a strong defense and a desire for peace were not mutually exclusive, but compatible and greatly in the national interest. The new navy was an outstanding achievement. - - - Indeed, Adams's insistence on American naval strength proved decisive in achieving peace with France in 1800. Further, by undercutting Hamilton and making his army useless, he may have saved the country from militarism.
 &
  "In his four years as President, there had been no scandal or corruption. If he was less than outstanding as an administrator, if he had too readily gone along with the Alien and Sedition Acts, and was slow to see deceit within his own cabinet, he had managed nonetheless to cope with a divided country and a divided party, and in the end achieved a rare level of statesmanship. To his everlasting credit, at the risk of his career, reputation, and his hold on the presidency, he chose not to go to war when that would have been highly popular and politically advantageous in the short run. As a result, the country was spared what would almost certainly have been a disastrous mistake." - - -
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  "Subjected to some of the most malicious attacks ever endured by a president, beset by personal disloyalty and political betrayal, suffering the loss of his mother, the near death of his wife, the death of a son, tormented by physical ailments, he had more than weathered the storm. His bedrock integrity, his spirit of independence, his devotion to country, his marriage, his humor, and a great underlying love of life were all still very much intact."

The retirement years:

  In "one of the most extraordinary correspondences in American history, indeed, in the English language," Adams and Jefferson "wrote of old friends and their own friendship, of great causes past, common memories, books, politics, education, philosophy, religion, the French, the British, the French Revolution, American Indians, the American navy, their families, their health, slavery -- eventually -- and their considered views on life, society, and always, repeatedly, the American Revolution."
 &
  Before he died, Adams had lost three of his five children and his wife, but he had grandchildren and great grandchildren about him. He lived to see John Quincy become the nation's sixth President. For Adams, a deep religious awe and a continuing love affair with and commitment to his nation as a united country remained his guiding impulses and comforts. He felt greatly blessed to the end of his days.
 &
  Remarkably, Adams and Jefferson died on the same day - on July 4, 1826 - exactly 50 years after the signing of the Declaration of Independence. McCullough tells us that the estate of the hardworking and ever thrifty Adams was worth about $100,000. Jefferson left debts in excess of the value of his estate of about $100,000. These were very substantial sums in those days. Jefferson's slaves had to be sold along with the rest of his estate to meet his debts.